Добавил:
Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз: Предмет: Файл:
учебный год 2023 / (Law in Context) Alison Clarke, Paul Kohler-Property Law_ Commentary and Materials (Law in Context)-Cambridge University Press (2006).pdf
Скачиваний:
2
Добавлен:
21.02.2023
Размер:
3.84 Mб
Скачать

What we mean by ‘property’ 45

hand, if property rights are well defined, enforced, and transferable, owners can trade their rights with others, making all parties better off.

The potential for gains from trade is revealed by many comparative studies that show economies with greater economic freedom – secure and tradable property rights defended by the rule of law – outperform other economies. For example, in economies with higher levels of economic freedom, per capita gross domestic product grew approximately 2.5 per cent, as compared to a 1.5 per cent decline in economies with less economic freedom between 1980 and 1994 . . . Keefer and Knack . . . report similarly that the absence of a secure rule of law diminishes rates of economic growth. Norton . . . not only finds that growth rates are higher in countries with more secure property rights, but that environmental quality is better. As Norton . . . puts it, ‘the specification of strong aggregate property rights appears to have an important place in improving human well-being’.

Notes and Questions 2.2

Only private property satisfies the criterion of transferability given in Postulate 4: communal property rights and state property cannot be transferred, but they can be as secure and well defined as private property rights. Does this mean that the benefits mentioned in the final paragraph of the extract can be gained only by private property? Is this what the authors mean by Postulate 4? If so, is Postulate 4 normative (i.e. telling us what sort of property regime ought to be adopted) or positive (i.e. analysing the effect of adopting a particular type of property regime)?

2.3.2. Key concepts in the economic analysis of property rights

The basic economic analysis of the emergence of property rights and the allocation of resources utilises three key concepts – externalities, transaction costs and efficiency.

2.3.2.1.Externalities

When I decide to use a resource of mine in a particular way, some of the effects of that decision will almost invariably fall on others rather than on me. If I do not take those effects into account when deciding whether to adopt that use of that resource, we would say that those effects are external to my decision. Effects (good or bad) that are external to a decision are called externalities. So, for example, the building of the Canary Wharf Tower had the effect of interfering with television reception for the residents of the Isle of Dogs (see Hunter v. Canary Wharf [1997] AC 655, discussed in Chapter 6). That effect was an externality as far as the builders of the tower were concerned: they did not take it into account because (as they then thought) they did not need to do so because (as they then thought, and the House of Lords subsequently held) they had no liability in law to refrain from interfering with television signals. Externalities can be good as well as bad. If I own a field and decide to graze sheep on it, it may improve the view of

46Property Law

neighbour X (who likes sheep and places a higher value on his land because he can watch them), ruin the garden of neighbour Y (because the sheep stray onto her land through gaps in the fence) and disturb the sleep of neighbour Z (whose bedroom is close to the shed where the sheep are herded at night and in the winter). Each of those effects will be externalities of my decision if I do not take them into account when making my decision.

The problem about externalities, as far as economics is concerned, is that they tend to lead to misuse of resources, because the full costs and benefits of the use are not taken into account. The use of the resource may therefore be inefficient, in the sense that a different use or use in a different way might yield a higher aggregate value (i.e. the aggregate benefit to all minus the aggregate costs of all would be higher).

The concept of efficiency in this context requires closer consideration. First, however, it is necessary to consider why it is that the ignoring of externalities tends to lead to misuse of resources.

Suppose that grazing sheep on my field gives an annual benefit of £500 to X (the neighbour who likes sheep), but imposes annual costs of £1,000 each on Y (whose garden is ruined by strays) and Z (whose sleep is disturbed by the noise from the shed). By fencing the field and moving and soundproofing the shed I could eliminate that cost to Y and Z without removing the benefit from X. If the annual costs to me of doing so are £1,500 (or anything less than £2,000) then it would be efficient to do so, because it will increase the aggregate of the value (benefit minus cost) for the four of us. Economists, however, would not expect me to choose this value-maximising alternative (i.e. carry out the works) because it would make me personally worse off, despite the net gain it would produce in the aggregate.

A change in the example demonstrates how externalities can lead to an inefficient failure to develop resources as well. Suppose my field is covered in grass which I mow regularly but otherwise do not use, and that this use imposes no costs or benefits on X (the neighbour who likes sheep). If I was to graze sheep on the field it would cost me an extra £100 a year (it would cost me that much more to use sheep to keep the grass cut than to use the mower), but it would confer benefits of £500 a year on X. The value-maximisation solution would be to change from mower to sheep, but again I would not be expected to adopt it because the gain is an externality as far as I am concerned.

Note that, in both examples the existence of externalities does not necessarily lead to inefficient use: it would be easy to change the figures so that there would be no net aggregate gain if I carried out the work in the first example or changed from mower to sheep in the second. The problem is that, because all the costs and benefits are not borne by the same person, no one will even make the calculation as to net gain.

Why, though, is the situation in which use is inefficient not self-adjusting? Specifically, why don’t those who are bearing the externalities offer to pay me an